Newly Indepdent Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation Launches in The Hague

The Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation (IHJR), which began five years ago in Salzburg as an initiative of the Seminar, was formally launched as an independent institute in The Netherlands at an imposing ceremony in The Hague on May 26.

The setting, in the Great Hall of Justice in the Peace Palace, where the International Court of Justice holds its sessions, could hardly have been more magnificent. And the opening statement was made the President of that court, His Excellency Mr. Hisashi Owada of Japan, who has been a strong supporter of the Institute from its beginnings, and is a member of its Board of Advisors.

Judge Owada apologized for arriving late, but he had the best possible excuse – he had come straight from a lunch with the Queen of the Netherlands in honour of President Michelle Bachelet of Chile, which had run over time. Seated next to the guest of honour, Mr. Owada could hardly slip away unnoticed. But when he explained where he was going, the Chilean president, whose father was a victim of the Pinochet dictatorship, told him she had gone into politics to work for national reconciliation, which could only be based on a clear acknowledgement of historical facts, however unpleasant.

And that is precisely the mission of the IHJR – to promote reconciliation, tolerance and understanding in divided societies by dispelling public myths of disputed historical legacies – as was explained in the course of the meeting by Justice Richard Goldstone, Chairman of the Board of Advisors (who is now also a Director of the Salzburg Global Seminar); by co-founders Timothy Ryback (former vice-president and resident director of the Seminar) and Elazar Barkan (director of the human rights program at Columbia University); and by Catherine Cissé van den Muijsenbergh, who now co-directs the Institute with Professor Barkan.

Dr. Ryback, who is now director of programs at the Académie Diplomatique Internationale in Paris, described the Institute’s achievement in bringing together Israeli and Palestinian scholars to compile a shared narrative of events in and around 1948 (celebrated by Israel as its war of independence but remembered by Palestinians as the naqba or disaster when many of them were driven from their homes). Dr. Cissé spoke about its work in the Balkans, where it has helped found the Center for History, Democracy and Reconciliation, and more recently in Kenya where it is helping local scholars and artists to examine myths and legacies relating to land use and ownership, and to express their identity through shared narratives. And Prof. Barkan explained the philosophy of the Institute, following the lead of Justice Goldstone who related its origins at a meeting in Salzburg in 2004.

The meeting, which lasted nearly three hours and was attended by several judges of the ICJ, also heard tributes from Ambassador Ed Kronenbourg, Secretary General of the Dutch Foreign Ministry, and from the Mayor of The Hague, H.E. Jozias van Aartsen. (Both the ministry and the city have given generous support to the Institute, enabling it to establish its headquarters and permanent staff in the The Hague.) The Salzburg Global Seminar was represented by Professor Laurens Jan Brinkhorst, a member of its Board of Directors, who moderated the proceedings, and by Edward Mortimer, Senior Vice President and Chief Program Officer, who is a member of the Institute’s Board of Advisors. The Institute continues to hold many of its meetings of scholars in Salzburg, and the Seminar hopes to maintain a close association with it and benefit from its work.

Other speakers contributed insights from “the front line” of work in post-conflict societies: H.E. Pieter Feith gave a detailed account of his mission as the EU’s Special Representative in Kosovo, while Allan Wagner, a former foreign minister of Peru, and Claudettte Antoine Werleigh, former prime minister of Haiti, described some of the painful dilemmas of justice and reconciliation in their respective countries..

Also in The Hague, on the previous day, an equally distinguished gathering had witnessed the acceptance by Justice Goldstone of the second MacArthur Award for International Justice. The award includes $500,000 which the recipient can distribute to non-governmental organizations of his choice, and Justice Goldstone has generously chosen the IHJR as one of the five that will benefit.

In a memorable and moving speech, Mr. Goldstone described the advance of international criminal justice since his appointment as Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in 1994. He expressed his pride that his own country, South Africa, had warned Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir that if he attended the recent inauguration of President Zuma he would be arrested and handed over to the International Criminal Court; and also described how the UN Human Rights Council had, on his insistence, expanded the mandate of its inquiry into events in Gaza to cover human rights violations by all parties, before he would agree to head it.

Visit the IHJR's homepage here.

Score Card of Obama's First Hundred Days

Last November, immediately following the US elections, the Salzburg Global Seminar held Session 458, “The US and the World: New Strategies of Engagement.”

The session was held in partnership with the Financial Times, and included a wide variety of experts and specialists from the US, Europe, East and South Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America.

At its conclusion we produced a “Roadmap for Re-engagement: The World’s Advice to the New Administration.” One of the main components of this Roadmap was an “8 Point Plan for the First 100 Days”, which has proved remarkably accurate. (The Roadmap can be accessed here)

April 29, 2009 will mark the 100th day of Barack Obama’s Presidency. How has the Obama administration done against those goals? What has succeeded? What has failed?

We asked eight international experts to address these questions, and to offer their grades of Obama's performance.

A summary of the findings is also available on the Financial Times website.

What do you think?

The 8 Point Plan:

1. “Go Big” in the Inaugural Address

Theodore C. Sorensen, author of Counselor, A Life At the Edge of History; former special counsel and speechwriter for President John F. Kennedy

Grade: A

An Inaugural Address, unlike a Party Platform or a State of the Union Address to Congress, should not be judged on the basis of specific concrete pledges that necessarily await the assembling of the new President’s complete team and detailed studies, but instead on the basis of his clear communication of his principal priorities. On this basis, Barack Obama’s powerfully plainspoken address of January 20, 2009 deserves an “A,” even when measured against the specific high hopes of last November’s Salzburg Global Seminar’s “Roadmap for Global Re-engagement.” Obama’s “global view,” as conveyed in that address, “went big” on all three objectives singled out by the Seminar, without unrealistically promising that any of them would be accomplished in his first 100 days:

Meet the global financial crisis multilaterally:
“The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift…what is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition on the part of every American that we have duties to ourselves, our Nation and the world… [T]o the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you… [T]o those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders.”

Work for global nuclear disarmament, with renewed American leadership for peace:
“To all the other peoples and governments who are watching today…know that America is a friend of each nation…who seeks the future of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more…not just with missiles and tanks but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions…our power alone cannot protect… [O]ur security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint… [N]ew threats…demand even greater cooperation and understanding between nations…with old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat…America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace…”

Stop catastrophic climate change:
“We cannot consume the world’s resources without regard to effect…the ways we use energy threaten our planet…we will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories.”

2. Fight terrorism under the Rule of Law

Mark S. Ellis, Executive Director, International Bar Association, London

Grade: B

On January 22, 2009, two days after his inauguration, President Obama issued a series of executive orders that inter alia set in motion the closure of the Guantanamo Bay prison, the suspension of all trials at Guantanamo for 120 days pending a review of the military tribunals, the decommission of secret CIA detention centres in foreign territories and the prohibition against such centres in the future, a formal injunction against “enhanced interrogation techniques” inconsistent with the Geneva Conventions and the U.S. Army Field Manual on intelligence collection, and a reversal of the Bush administration policy of refusing to release documents under the Freedom of Information Act if they related to the interrogation and treatment of detainees.

With these and other acts, President Obama’s first one hundred days have been a welcome antidote to a deeply troubled period in American history marked by international strife and the degeneration of international legal norms. Obama’s first directives were intended to demonstrate a recommitment by the United States to international humanitarian and human rights law, and to reassure the world that his administration would embark on a new path premised on the rule of law. In many ways, he has succeeded.

However, without minimizing the importance of President Obama’s actions, they were nonetheless the least controversial in the eyes of the international community and the constituency that elected him to office. In the face of more nuanced and politically controversial issues, the Obama administration shows signs of uncertainty. Continued wavering or failure to act decisively on several difficult fronts may weaken the President’s political capital and contradict his pledge to fight terrorism “in a manner that is consistent with our values and our ideals.”

For example, the government has been sluggish in conducting habeas corpus hearings for Guantanamo Bay detainees. The administration also plans to appeal a recent Federal Court ruling that allows foreign-born detainees held by U.S. forces in Afghanistan to pursue habeas corpus proceedings.

Furthermore, the Obama administration has yet to voice strong commitment to the International Criminal Court (ICC). The continued absence of the United States as a State-Party to the Rome Statute is a stark reminder that the U.S. remains outside the key international framework constructed to ensure that those who commit the most egregious violations of international criminal law are brought to justice.

Most worrisome in the first hundred days, and a key test in the coming months, is President Obama’s equivocation regarding the possible prosecution of individuals involved in torturing detainees under U.S. control. President Obama has stated that “we have been through a dark and painful chapter in our history. But… nothing will be gained by spending our time and energy laying the blame for the past.” More recently he suggested that those who laid the groundwork for torture might after all face prosecution.

Obama’s early statements dismissed the need for accountability - one of the most fundamental principles of customary international law. Continuing on this course would be an embrace of impunity and legally indefensible. As a signatory to both the Geneva Conventions and the U.N. Convention Against Torture, the United States is obligated to prosecute those who have committed crimes of torture and other inhumane acts. It would be misguided and paradoxical if this administration were to ignore past human rights violations while espousing the virtues of the rule of law.


3. Review the missions in Iraq and Afghanistan
Francois Heisbourg, Special Advisor, Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique, Paris; former Senior Vice President Strategic Development at MATRA-Defense-Espace, Paris

Grade: B+ (with an A for effort)

President Obama is following through on his campaign commitments regarding Iraq and Afghanistan. Concerning Iraq, the plan is to withdraw combat forces by the second half of 2010, a timetable roughly in line with the 16 month post-inaugural calendar asserted during the campaign. In parallel, and in keeping with campaign promises, the president is vigorously pursuing efforts to open a broad-spectrum dialogue with Iran, the regional power which exercises the greatest political influence in Iraq.

It remains to be seen whether overtures towards Iran will be crowned with success, and, if so, whether they will lead to long-term stability in Iraq.

President Obama has presented a new road-map for Afghanistan, which has been discussed at head of state level with America's European partners at NATO's jubilee summit in April. The new road-map assumes a much greater political role for Afghanistan's regional neighbors, while increasing the number of US troops: therefore, the new plan is unlikely to lead to a greater sense of ownership by the Europeans, whose role is, iin practice, being de-emphasized. Rather than a collectively developed strategy, the road-map was made in Washington: its success or its failure will be laid at Obama's doorstep. By the same token, this has not led to a transatlantic row, as little is being asked of the Europeans in terms of additional military forces.

After having been NATO-centered since 2004, the western commitment in Afghanistan is shifting back towards a coalition-based approach, as in 2001/2 albeit this time with a deliberate and welcome attempt to integrate the political, economic, diplomatic and military dimensions of the conflict. It remains to be seen whether the new American strategy will work; what we do know is that the NATO-centered effort is failing.

As in the case of Iraq, Obama has improved his chances of success in Aghanistan by scaling down the ambition of America's war aims. Building democracy is no longer a war aim.

4. Strengthen the Transatlantic Partnership
Constanze Stelzenmüller, director of the Berlin office of the German Marshall Fund of the United States; the views expressed here are her own.

Grade: A-

President Obama has made remarkable progress in reinvigorating transatlantic relations, in style as much as in content. “If you’re not with me, you’re against me”: the divisive style of Obama’s predecessor George Bush had made it easy for Europeans to say “no”, or “maybe”, and sit back comfortably to watch American policies fail in action. (The case of Georgia comes to mind most readily, but there are many others.) Obama, in contrast, manages to wrong foot his European colleagues with the slightest of gestures. Take the bobby in front of No. 10 Downing Street who, startled and delighted by a casual handshake from the American visitor, stretched out his hand to his Prime Minister – only to be sternly ignored. So much for “Cool Britannia”. Or the moment during Obama’s London press conference, where he called on the “foreign press”, caught himself, and said “wait, I’m the foreigner here”. Hard to imagine a more casually elegant – and lethal – critique of past American hubris. And equally hard to imagine a European leader being similarly self-deprecating about the flaws of European foreign policy.

Not that there has been a shortage of new content. Iraq, torture, CIA prisons, Afghanistan, Russia, Iran, Syria, Cuba, arms control, NATO and the UN Human Rights Council, climate policy: the “reset button” is being activated across the spectrum of foreign policy issues. Nothing like it has been seen in Europe for a long time; it is making Europeans take a hard look at their own politicians. Conservative U.S. critics have been accusing Obama of making too many concessions to his allies – not true. The President compromised gracefully where it was clear his allies had no political capital to spend (e.g. on stimulus packages and troops for Afghanistan). But when Turkey blocked Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s candidature for Secretary General of NATO, it was the visitor from Washington who resolved the impasse. It only made the lack of new ideas and initiatives on the European side all the more apparent.

But the absurdly intrusive U.S. vetting process for political nominees is deterring some of the best candidates, and blocking the formulation and implementation of policy. It’s a weakness America can ill afford in times of crisis.

This President, as an idealist, is clearly willing to work with his European allies, recognizing that even America needs help in tackling global challenges. But they may not realize that if they do not respond in kind, he will continue as a realist – alone.


5. Recommit the US to the United Nations System
Stephen Stedman, Professor of Political Science and Senior Fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford University, Palo Alto; Author of A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility, United Nations High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change.

Grade: A-

President Obama’s remarks, tone, and appointments to Turtle Bay in his first 100 days suggest that he wants to work with and through the United Nations to tackle transnational threats. He has thrown America’s hat in the ring for a seat on the Human Rights Council, signaling his desire to make the institution more effective. His Ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice, has won high marks for shepherding the Security Council to a presidential statement condemning North Korea’s missile launch. Her office has garnered respect for its understanding of how the UN operates and how it can be made more effective. Throughout the administration one finds an open door for discussions on strengthening UN peacekeeping, and many options long off the table, such as supplying lift capacity, bolstering over the horizon response forces, and strengthening civilian security capability are in play.

Unlike some issues, however, that can be gauged in the first 100 days, recommitting the United States to the UN is a long term project, more akin to working towards a graduate degree rather than a one issue short course. It has been decades since the UN has been more than a box to check when the US seeks to act internationally. Old habits die hard. The best test of recommitment will come during crises, when we see whether the UN is central stage or just a bit player.

President Obama understands this. In his meeting with Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon at the White House in March, he stated that one of his primary goals is that by the time he leaves the presidency, the American public will understand how important the United Nations is to American security. The success of this endeavor will depend on whether the UN will be able to live up to what the new President asks of it. Here the signs do not look good as the most UN friendly American president in decade must deal with one of the most unimpressive Secretaries General in memory. For some this is a tragedy, but for others a farce.


6. Engage in Global Public Diplomacy through carefully staged events
Mark Malloch Brown, Minister of State for Africa, Asia, and the UN, British Foreign and Commonwealth Office; former Deputy Secretary General, United Nations

Grade: A

The sixth point in the Salzburg Seminar’s 8-Point Plan of last year was to “Engage in Public Diplomacy Through Carefully Staged Events”.

After the mixed reactions at home to his speech at the Brandenberg Gate during the campaign last summer, it was not risk-free to embark on such a high profile trip to Europe. Although perhaps for this President in these circumstances there could be no ‘low’ profile travel.

But if President Obama was afraid of scepticism at home about any distraction from the domestic economic crisis or facing the pitfalls of international diplomacy, he exhibited no signs of it. It was a confident performance at every turn that followed the Seminar’s script to a tee. He attended three summits, visited five countries, plus a stop-over in Iraq, gave two town halls, spent two days in a Muslim country, Turkey, and in the trip’s opening, the G20 London Summit, he spoke eloquently to the wider agenda of poverty and economic and environmental sustainability – rather than the rescue of bankers.

Having seen him up close on that first leg of the trip, I can attest this was impressive public diplomacy. There was not one message or style for the private meetings and another for public consumption. The strategy flowed straight from Obama; it was no add-on by aides. In his ability during the Summit to arbitrate spats between other conference participants, he showed a sure touch which instantly set him apart as a senior statesman rather than the rookie.

In public, his references in Turkey to his upbringing in a Muslim country and having Muslims in his own family broke no new biographical ground, but it demonstrated the power of empathy to overcome the hostility aroused by the US in recent years. It was his core messaging and his personal capacity to reach out to America’s foes and critics, in ways that were neither condescending nor craven, that made it a remarkable international debut.

If there is a cautionary note to this glowing review it is that public diplomacy can lead reality – but over time reality must begin to catch up with perception. Obama showed his power to re-engage Europe on the basis of trusted partnership. But the implication of that was that Europe and the rest of the international community would rise to the occasion and respond to the problems that America considers itself to have carried too large a share of for too long. That reality remains to be proven.

For the President, the polling back home shows that the trip helped consolidate his standing among independents and moderate Republicans. This cross-party Reagan-like dimension of Obama’s appeal shone bright on this trip. An A for public diplomacy.


7. Pursue a Bi-Partisan Legislative Agenda
Jim Kolbe, Former Member of the US House of Representatives, Arizona’s 8th District; Senior Transatlantic Fellow, German Marshall Fund

Grade: C-

It is probably foolhardy to believe that one can gauge the performance of any President after only 100 days in office. After all, 150 years after the Lincoln presidency scholars are still assessing his performance. Still, the public at large wants instant results and immediate evaluations, so—foolhardy or not—here would be my own report card on the Salzburg Global Seminar’s eight-point plan for the first 100 days of the Obama administration.

Of the 8-Point Plan, I think the least robust grade would have to given to this one—“Pursuing a Bi-Partisan Legislative Agenda”. If measured solely on the basis of counting votes by political party on the key legislative items submitted by the President, bi-partisanship has failed dismally. This is not to assign blame, but simply states a fact. The President’s two major legislative issues—the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (the stimulus package) and the 2010 budget resolutions in the House and Senate—received not a single Republican vote in the House and only three for the stimulus package in the Senate. Never in recent memory has a President with so much popularity and with such national economic anxiety run into such a headwind of partisan political opposition at the outset of his administration.

The underlying mistake was that the President “outsourced” the writing of the stimulus package to Congress. Democrat leaders immediately seized it as an opportunity to address eight years of pent up demands and rejected any cooperation with a minority which was just beginning to find its own “fiscally responsible” legs after eight years of fiscal confusion under President Bush. By the time President Obama was President and invited Republican leaders to the White House for discussion, the lines were drawn and hardened. This only made it easier to say “no” to the next significant economic legislative item—the budget resolution for 2010.

Meanwhile, on cap and trade, the President has floated some tentative proposals, only to see them swatted down by Members of his own party. It is clear that this issue will divide not along partisan lines, but geographic and economic lines, but that will not make the President’s task any easier. Offers to negotiate a new limitation on nuclear weapons have been put on the table with Russia, but Congress has remained silent on the topic. And on new presidential trade negotiating authority, the President is still boxed in by his own campaign rhetoric which was harshly anti-trade. Although this language has been significantly softened since he assumed office, the anti-trade crowd is still dominant in Congress. It is very hard to imagine that the President will want to confront his liberal congressional allies on this issue when he needs their support on the rest of his economic, regulatory and health care agenda.

Generously, I think the President gets a “C-“ on the congressional bi-partisanship front. But then, there is still plenty of time in the remaining 1300 days to raise that grade!


8. Be a Leader who Listens
Kishore Mahbubani, Dean of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, NUS, has just published The New Asian Hemisphere: the Irresistible Shift of Global Power to the East.

Grade: B

Obama’s election significantly changed the chemistry of America’s relations with the world. Anti – Americanism diminished globally. However, the great expectations of him have been tempered by the realization that his capacity for change – the slogan he campaigned on – is limited. To make matters worse, Obama has assumed the Presidency at one of the worst economic times. His options are limited.

So far, Obama has made the right noises. The disenchanted 1.2 billion Muslims have welcomed Obama’s assurance that “America is not at war with Islam”. It was brave of Obama to mention Muslim members in his own family. Yet many Muslims are acutely aware that Obama’s hands are tied on the Israel – Palestine issue. His incapacity to even attend the UN Racism Conference confirmed this. Until Obama delivers peace in the Middle-East, the Muslims will suspend judgment of Obama.

Obama has also made the right noises to China. Sending Hillary Clinton to East Asia first instead of Europe was a brilliant move. It showed Obama’s recognition that power is shifting to Asia. But China remains wary of Obama. It understood George W Bush. China is still trying to understand Obama. Curiously, the world’s largest democracy, India, is also wary. Manmohan Singh told Bush that he was “the best President vis-à-vis India in the past 50 years”. By contrast, Obama’s obsession with Afghanistan and Pakistan makes India fear that it would once again be paired with Pakistan. In short, Obama still has not won over the two most populous countries. Does he have the capacity to listen to their concerns?

Fortunately, Europe remains enraptured with Obama. Russia too is pleased that Bush is gone. Latin America is happy that Obama has reached out to Cuba. And, of course, the continent most in love with Obama is Africa. In short, he has unleashed new reservoirs of goodwill towards America in many corners of the world. Now, the world will wait to see whether his policies match these great expectations.


How would you rate the Obama Administration each of these objectives?

Download the Full PDF Scorecard at http://www.salzburgseminar.org/mediafiles/MEDIA48611.pdf

New News on Obama Appointments

Since the US election last year, we have been trying -- as most everyone has -- to figure out which Fellows and Faculty of the Salzburg Global Seminar would be appointed to high level positions within the Obama administration.

Several have been confirmed: Hillary Clinton, Secretary of State (Session 348, Educating Youth: Challenges for the Future, 1997); James Steinberg, Deputy Secretary of State (Common Interest Forum, 2003); Anne-Marie Slaughter has been nominated be Director of Policy Planning in the US Department of State (Session 418, Reinventing the West: Redefining the Transatlantic Agenda, 2004); and William Burke-White (Session 457 Islamic and International Law, and Session 458, The US and the World) has been nominated to be Senior Advisor in the Office of Policy Planning in the US Department of State.

In addition, word has it that Kenneth Lieberthal (Session 438, China: The New Global Economic Engine?), is also being considered for US Ambassador to China.

And as of today, we also know from Scott Malcomson's (Session 458, The US and the World) recent Huffington Post blog that Carlos Pascual (also Session 458) is under consideration for US Ambassador to Mexico.

More updates as they come.

Democracy and Sustainability: India as a Case Study

When and how does democracy facilitate sustainable development? This was the central question for participants at a three-day event from 2 to 4 February organised by 21st Century Trust and Salzburg Global Seminar in collaboration with the Paul Hamlyn Foundation and the Environment Foundation.

Participants began their discussions with a visit organized by “Growth-for-All” and partners near Rithala. They spent the afternoon seeing how coordinated civil society initiatives were supplementing government resources in areas such as health and education.

Nitin Desai opened the formal part of the event, calling for a new set of global ethical principles to underpin climate negotiations. We need real international democracy.

The gap between organic decision-making at the local level and ‘inorganic’ official decision-making was a theme. Kalyan Paul advised patience: “Some people sometimes feel ... that all institutions should flower at the same time and create a house full of lovely aroma – but it takes time to create democratic institutions.” For Sushma Iyengar when pro-sustainable development practices at the local level are lost, democracy can be weakened: “We’ve all seen how communities are dependent economically on each other – for example sheep rearers and weavers. When you remove the economic interdependency it reinforces huge divisions at the community level.”

Can India’s 8% growth target be sustained alongside a commitment to democracy? India’s rapidly growing energy needs are a test-ground. Ajit Kapadia noted that: “whatever India’s road map to energy security and sustainable development, I do not believe that in a democracy it can happen without popular support and advocacy”. But there are real risks here: “India will not, as a democracy, be able to build new power plants sufficient to meet projected demand of up to 800,000 megawatts. Constructing for the capacity that will be required can only happen if this country is a dictatorship...” warned Chandra Bhushan.

Processes of economic and development change at local level need to be supported by proper appreciation of the right to be responsible oneself as a citizen. As Dr. Rajendra Pachauri emphasised, concluding the discussion, leadership through lifestyle choice and modest consumption are important at every level.

2008 Winter Festival Experience

There may not have been any snow in town, but the 2008 Winter Fest began and ended on high notes. In the afternoon of 22 December everybody assembled in the Great Hall with its familiar and comforting roaring fire to be greeted by its welcoming staff. We were promised a week of outdoor activity, wining and dining, intellectual stimulus and friendship. That promise was delivered in full.

Skiers were fitted out the night before so that they could make a quick start the following day at Mühlbach. The coach dropped off the non-skiers in the village, while the skiers went straight to the ski lift. Despite the time of year there were no lift queues and the terrain was forgiving to those (and that was nearly all of us) who had not put on skis for a year. The non-skiers explored the village or tried their hands at sledging. Before dinner we were treated to an amusing lecture by Georg Steinitz on The True Story of the Sound of Music. It provided refreshing insights for those who watched the film afterwards.

On the following day, Christmas Eve, the sun came out and the entire group went to Filzmoos, where we enjoyed a magical horse drawn sleigh ride up to an Alpine mountain hut. Despite a huge breakfast most of us managed a hearty lunch. The kids decided to bombard us all with snowballs after we emerged from the hut with replenished bellies. The snowball fight drew on the experiences of Wolfe and Montcalme at the Heights of Abraham. The kids commanded the higher ground while the adults were bombarded from above. Unlike General Wolfe the adults were unable to scale the heights and were reprieved only by the summons to return down the mountain. In the early evening, we all sat around the fire. The programme consisted of readings revolving around the main themes of Christmas. It included multilingual renditions of Silent Night and O Christmas Tree, ably accompanied by Ian Brown on guitar, and an exchange of stories about Christmas traditions in USA, Romania, Japan and other countries. Then it was time to go to Hotel Elefant in the old town for an outstanding dinner.

By Christmas Day it seemed that we had known each other for ever. The brunch presented yet more food, high in both quality and quantity. By then the atmosphere resembled a family occasion and it was in good cheer that we visited Königsee. It was covered in mist and cloud but it added to the mystery. By then it had turned cold and after a brisk walk around St Bartholomä we retreated to the local hostelry to…..eat and drink again! That was sufficient to fortify us for the first of two sumptuous more formal dinners. Nobody was defeated and we all went on to dance in the Great Hall. The toddlers, needless to say, had the most energy but the prize for terpsichorean style had to go to Astrid and Hector who danced like professional dancers.

There was no forgiveness for those who stayed up late to dance. The next day the bus took us to Bad Hofgastein. The skies were blue and beckoned the skiers to the slopes, while others repaired to the spa and enjoyed the waters, a swim or a massage. The day flew by. On the bus we all drooped, but were invigorated either by exercise or the pampering at the spa center. It felt like a feat to attend either Salzburg’s famous Winter Festival or to just watch Mama Mia! But all were made of sterner stuff and confounded the Sandman by not only staying awake for the performances, but also by putting the world to rights late into the night in front of the Great Hall fire.

The next day was more forgiving. It began with an introduction by Stephen Salyer on the incoming Obama administration and was followed by an animated discussion. The afternoon was free but we obviously all missed each other, since almost the entire group reconvened a few hours later at the Augustinerkeller, a giant beer hall where we drank beer, schnapps and ate the local snacks.

The last day was a fitting climax to the week. After an informative tour of the salt mines in Berchtesgaden and yet another huge buffet lunch at a local Gasthaus, we prepared for our final evening. It encapsulated the spirit of the Salzburg Global Seminar. Everybody looked glamorous. The evening began with an outstanding presentation from Reinhold and Günter Wagnleitner on the subject of the globalisation of jazz. The talk was interlaced with jazz piano from Günter. We were all spellbound, particularly as the exercise combined learning with entertainment. Then we took ourselves to the stunning Venetian room, lit by only candles. The final gala dinner in the Marble Hall, also by candlelight, was magical. The chefs had surpassed themselves (almost a contradiction in terms) and the place buzzed. The toasts were affectionate and witty. Then a final dance in the Bierstube. The conversation was the same everywhere. We are all sad it had come to an end and there was universal agreement that the week had delivered on its promise: there was fun, good food, breathtaking scenery, exercise, intellectual stimulus and companionship. Above all, we arrived as strangers, but left as friends.

Festival Hosts, Vicki & Bobby Garson

ISP visits San Jose State University

The ISP tour continued in San Jose, as Reinhold and Tom made their fourth stop at San Jose State University. Rave reviews from each show had preceded them to the Bay Area, and the crowd response paralleled the stature of the exciting night. Several hundred people turned up for the events, which took place on the 12th and the 16th of February, and were delighted to meet Tom and Reinhold at the intimate gatherings which peppered their visit to San Jose State. The fantastic support shown by the high number of faculty alumni in the area (pictured below) is one reason that the shows garnered such outstanding numbers, and is testament to the strong, lasting relationships that are created between visitors to Schloss Leopoldskron.

Reinhold embraces long-time friend and colleague Bill Reckmeyer, professor of leadership and systems at San Jose State and ISP Session Chair of the Salzburg Global Seminar.


Reinhold delivering part of his informance.

"There was a global, 'What Now?'"

Tom McDermott relaxes after one of his performances, and is greeted by some friendly faces: Bill DeVincenzi, Fiona Marshall, Darci Arnold, Jill Steinberg, Dennis Jaehne, and many others.

As the 2009 iteration of the ISP tour of the United States winds to a close, it is appropriate to thank the people who have made it possible, and who have guaranteed that it was a true pleasure for everyone who could attend. We at the Seminar are deeply grateful for the support and hospitality that each of the liasons in the States has shown to Tom and Reinhold during their extensive tour. We also are happy to announce that more than 2,500 people attended more than a dozen performances over the two week stint, and that Reinhold and Tom are back home safe and sound, albeit exhausted. Thanks to every member of the audience, and everyone who lent a kind hand to helping organize these massive events; we are proud--and hopeful--to see that the messages of the importance of global citizenship, involvement, and awareness reverberate so deeply.

ISP visits Tarrant County

We have some fantastic news (and, as if that were not enough, we also have pictures).

Reinhold Wagnleitner and Tom McDermott have successfully completed the first leg of their 15-day tour of several schools Texas and California. Their gracious hosts were the ISP alumni of Tarrant County College in Fort Worth, Texas, who were treated to two shows earlier this week. The first of these was Reinhold's data-rich presentation “The United States of America and the World: Views from a Distance", which took place on Monday evening on TCC's South Campus. Tuesday evening carried with it a bit more of a fanciful note, as renowned pianist Tom McDermott joined Reinhold to put on “Jazz – the Classical Music of Globalization”.

The Seminar extends its most sincere thanks to the kind folks at Tarrant County College, and in particular to Jane Harper and Carolyn Carney, who organized the stay. Dr. Harper has sent along these beautiful photographs of the event so that we might be a part of the exciting informances. Please enjoy!

Reinhold and Tom arrive at Tarrant County College, and

are greeted by ISP fellows from that institution: Dr. Rob Levy, Dental

Hygiene; Cindy O’Neal, Dental Hygiene; Scott Parker, Art; Dr. Antonio Howell,

Dean of Humanities; Rebecca Balcarcel, English; Dr. Cynthia Reed, Psychology.

Dr. Jane Harper, Vice President for Teaching and Learning, introduces Reinhold's lecture "Jazz -- Classical Music of Globalization" on Tuesday night.

Reinhold Wagnleitner's informance.

Tom McDermott, on the ivories.

Tom and Jane, enjoying some lunch between activities.

A lovely ISP reunion between Reinhold and ISP fellow Karmein Bowman.

Tom and Tarrant County ISP alums Cindy O'Neal, Scott Parker, and Rebecca Balcarcel.

Nicole Vallee, Pauline Griffith, Reinhold Wagnleitner, Carolyn Carney, and Margaret Lutton.

Reinhold during his lecture, discussing the global "What now?"

Tom, Rebecca, and Reinhold at the Fort Worth Stockyards.

For more information on this lecture tour and to reserve tickets at the various sites, please visit the post immediately below. Within a few days of each lecture stop, new pictures will be posted on this blog. Check back with us to follow along, or visit the schools and get the full show!

D. Travis Campbell